Writes: Dusko JOVANOVIC, a representative in the Parliament of the Republic of Montenegro (16th June 1999. “DAN”)

Who rejects in public to defend own country from the aggressor do not deserve to have one. A scar and an eternal historical shame will remain to his successors.
In the regime’s newspaper “Pobjeda” from the 25th March 1999. it was ordered and consciously tempered a claim of the Minister of Justice in the Montenegrin government that he would resign the military call.
Just to remind, the day before the aggressor attacked FRY and the day after, this “spectacular” Resolution was accepted in the Assemble of the Republic of Montenegro. This is the evidence how the Montenegrin government deliberately broke the Resolution before they had accepted it.
Such claim encourages direct undermine of the defending power of the country. When it is said by a member of the Montenegrin government, who is at the same time the Minister of Justice, everything is clear – it represents open call to the citizens not to respond the military obligation for defending their country; and by who, by the one whose job should be to sanction for eventual not responding.
The Government of Montenegro brings the shameful Decision of Montenegrin neutrality in the eventual war with NATO. For those to whom this decision was not completely clear vice-Premier gives an explanation for the Croatian “Globus” where stayed: “The government of Montenegro makes the decision to protect its territory from the conflict between the international forces and the Yugoslav Army. No one can make question about the Montenegrin interferences over providing the military installations on its territory”. Further explanation: “Montenegro controls providing the Yugoslav Army’s objects on its land and in the case of intervention we would cut all vital functions. To make it completely clear we will block all Yugoslav army’s objects in Montenegro if Serbia tries to prevent proceeding of the decisions of our government”.
However, that was just a tale because people represent the army in Montenegro which makes the decisions of the government impossible. However, these claims for the international public represented active support to the aggressor during aggression’s preparation. The aggressor could count on the direct help by the official Montenegro in its aggression on Yugoslavia. The Deputy Speaker of the Assembly of the Republic of Montenegro Rifat Rastoder claimed for “Vijesti” on the 24th May 1999. that the civil government in Montenegro could not protect those citizens who rejected the military calls for the reserve members of the Yugoslav Army, but he promised that no one would be legal proceeded after the war if they rejected to serve the Army.
All these claims, although tendentious and directed to the weakening of the military readiness of Yugoslav Army, did not produce desirable effect.
The reasons are numerous, but the key was the patriotic conscious of the Montenegrin citizens who did not accepted the slavery policy of the Montenegrin government. The official Montenegro because of these reasons did not understand the conclusion of the peace agreement as the call for the inner homogenization and political struggle as the practical implementation of the agreement could be done the best for Yugoslavia. The conclusion of agreement the official Montenegro understood as the right moment to invite the Yugoslav Army to do the demobilization and to return on the peace level on the same day when the agreement was signed. The official Montenegro forgot that Milo Djukanovic did not participate in the Supreme Military Council’s work because he was too busy on the tour around the aggressors’ countries. In the same way, he was guilty for not participating in making decisions by which the Yugoslav Army achieved high level of the military readiness, which the aggressors had to admit. Milo Djukanovic Djukanovic should know that the decision of the demobilization and the volume of that demobilization will be brought by the same organ which made the decision of the mobilization, and then the so-called president of Montenegro can come to the Supreme Council of the Defense and try to participate in making that decision.
At the end, we can conclude that the military support to the aggressor by the Montenegrin regime was bigger than the individual military support of any NATO bombardier in the sky above Yugoslavia according to the public procedure of evidence.

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